Mostrando entradas con la etiqueta Historia. Mostrar todas las entradas
Mostrando entradas con la etiqueta Historia. Mostrar todas las entradas

miércoles, 6 de agosto de 2025

Domitian's Spectacles

 From Robert Graves's translation of Suetonius's The Twelve Caesars. Domitian, the last of the twelve, was for some time an enthusiast of poetry, but later neglected it altogether and even forbade actors from appearing on the public stage at one point —perhaps in part because his wife Domitia had fallen in love with the actor Paris. (He also had a student of this actor executed because he looked like Paris). He prohibited stage lampoons of known citizens as well. But he did provide other spectacles in the Roman taste:


Domitian presented many extravagant entertainments in the Colosseum and the Circus. Besides the usual two-horse chariot races he staged a couple of battles, one for infantry, the other for cavalry; a sea-fight in the Colosseum; wild-beast hunts; gladiatorial shows by torchlight in which women as well as men took part. Nor did he ever forget the Quaestorian Games which he had revived; and allowed the people to demand a combat between two pairs of gladiators from his own troop, whom he would bring on last in their gorgeous Court livery. Throughout every gladiatorial show Domitian would chat, sometimes in very serious tones, with a little boy who had a grotesquely small head and always stood at his knee dressed in red. Once he was heard to ask the child, 'Can you guess why I have just appointed Mettius Rufus Prefect of Egypt?' A lake was dug at his orders close to the Tiber, surrounded with seats, and used for almost full-scale naval battles, which he watched even in heavy rain.

He also held Secular Games, fixing their date by Augustus's old reckoning, and ignoring Claudius's more recent celebration of them; and for the circus racing, which formed part of the festivities, reduced the number of laps from seven to five, so that 100 races a day could be run off.  In honour of Capitoline Jupiter he founded a festival of music, horsemanship, and gymnastics, to be held every five years, and awarded far more prizes than is customary nowadays. The festival included Latin and Greek public-speaking contests, competitions for choral singing to the lyre and for lyre-playing alone, besides the usual solo singing to lyre accompaniment; he even instituted foot races for girls in the Stadium.When presiding at these functions he wore buskins, a purple Greek robe, and a gold crown engraved with the images of Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva; and at his side sat the Priest of the Capitoline Jupiter and the Priest of the Deified Flavians, wearing the same costume as he did, except for crowns decorated with his image. Domitian also celebrated the annual five-day festival of Minerva at his Alban villa, and founded in her honour a college of priests, whose task it was to supply officers, chosen by lot, for producing lavish wild-beast hunts and stage plays, and sponsoring competitions in rhetoric and poetry.

(The Twelve Caesars, p. 308)

viernes, 29 de septiembre de 2023

Farsa compuesta y trovada

 

La conspiración de Paulo contra el rey Wamba en la Septimania—la Cataluña de la época— según la Historia de España del Padre Mariana. Amaños electorales, propaganda falsaria y manipulación de la opinión pública, en el siglo siete—o en el veintisiete:

 

Muchos andaban descontentos del  estado y gobierno y de aquella eleccion; y como gente parcial no querian obedecer á Wamba ni recebille por rey. Comunicaron el negocio entre sí, y acordaron de rebelarse y tomar las armas. Hilperico, conde de Nimes en Francia, fue el primero á declararse, confiado en la distancia de los lugares y por ser hombre poderoso en riqueza y aliados. Allegáronsele Gumildo, obispo de Magalona, ciudad comarcana, y un abad llamado Remigio. Procuraron atraer á su parcialidad al obispo de Nimes, llamado Aregio; y como en ninguna manera se dejase persuadir, le despojaron de su dignidad y enviaron en destierro á lo mas adentro de Francia, y pusieron en su lugar al abad Remigio. Procedíase en todo arrebatadamente sin órden de derecho y sin tener cuenta con las leyes, en tanto grado, que á los mismos judíos que de tiempo atrás echaran de toda la juridicion y señorío de los godos, llamaron de Francia en su socorro. Para sosegar 4estas alteraciones Paulo fué sin dilación nombrado por capitan por su grande prudencia y destreza que tenia en las armas. Diéronle la gente que pareció seria bastante para aquella empresa y para sosegar los alborotados. Sucedió todo al revés de lo que pensaban, ca Paulo con aquella ocasion se determinó de descubrir la ponzoña y deslealtad que tenia encubierta en su pecho. Hizo marchar la gente muy de espacio, con que se dió lugar al enemigo para apercebirse y fortificarse. El mismo, tambien de secreto, comunicaba con los godos principales en qué manera se podria levantar. Para lo uno y para lo otro era muy á propósito la tardanza y el entretenerse. Así, de camino ganó las voluntades de Ranesindo, duque tarraconense, y de Hidigiso, gardingo, que era nombre de autoridad y de magistrado y dignidad semejante á la de los duques y condes, como si dijésemos adelantado ó merino. El uno y el otro eran personas muy principales, con cuya ayuda y por su consejo se apoderó de Barcelona, de Girona y de Vique, ciudades puestas en la entrada de España por la parte de Cataluña. Acrecentáronse con esto las fuerzas desta parcialidad de levantados. Trataron de pasar á Francia con intento de juntar sus fuerzas con las de Hilderico, con que confiaban serian bastantes para resistir al Rey. Argebaudo, arzobispo de Narbona, al principio pretendió cerrar las puertas de su ciudad á los conjurados. Anticipáronse ellos tanto, que el Arzobispo fué forzado acomodarse al tiempo y dar muestra de juntarse con ellos, mas por falta de ánimo que por aprobar lo que los alevosos trataban. Entrado Paulo en aquella ciudad, hizo junta de ciudadanos y soldados, y en ella reprehendió primeramente al Arzobispo, que temerariamente pretendió cerrar las puertas á los que habían servido mucho á la república, y no trataban de hacerle algun mal y daño. Despues desto, declaró las causas por donde entendia que con buen título podia tomar las armas contra Wamba, que fuera hecho rey, no conforme á las leyes ni con buen órden y traza, sino al antojo de algunos pocos, al cual cuando se da lugar, no el consentimiento comun prevalece, sino la fuerza y atrevimiento. Concluyó con decir seria conveniente y cumplidero proceder á nueva eleccion y conforme á las leyes nombrar un nuevo rey, á quien todos obedeciesen, y con cuyo amparo, fuerzas y consejos hiciesen rostro á los que á Wamba favoreciesen. Ranosindo, á  voces para que todos le oyesen, dijo que él no conocia persona mas á propósito ni mas digno del nombre de rey que el mismo Paulo; que fué representar en público la farsa que entre los dos de secreto tenian compuesta y trovada. Muchos de los parciales de propósito estaban derramados y mezclados entre la muchedumbre; estos con gran gritería acudieron luego á aquel parecer; los cuerdos y que mejor sentian callaron y disimularon, ca no les cumplia el hacer en tan gran revuelta y alteracion. Con tanto, Paulo fué declarado y elegido por rey; pusiéronle en la cabeza una corona que el rey Recaredo ofreció á San Félix, mártir de Girona. Era tanto el calor de aquella rebelion, y tan encendido el deseo de  llevar adelante lo comenzado, que todo lo atrpellaban; y no solo se apoderaban de las riquezas profanas, oro y plata del público y de particulares, sino tambien extendian sus manos sacrílegas á los tesoros sagrados y á despojar los templos de Dios de sus vasos y preseas. Allegóse á este parecer fácilmente Hilperico, conde de Nimes, el primero que fue á levantarse, y con él se les juntaron todas las ciudades de la Gallia Gótica.

lunes, 28 de agosto de 2023

Caligula's Theatrical Antics

 From Suetonius' The Twelve Caesars:

  

Caligula paid no attention to traditional or current fashions in his dress; ignoring male conventions and even the human decencies. Often he made public appearances in a cloak covered with embroidery and encrusted with precious stones, a long-sleeved tunic and bracelets; or in silk (which men were forbidden by law to wear) or even in a woman's robe; and came shod sometimes with slippers, sometimes with buskins, sometimes with military boots, sometimes with women's shoes. Occasionally he affected a golden beard and carried Jupiter's thunderbolt, Neptune's trident, or Mercury's serpent-twined staff. He even dressed up as Venus and, long before his expedition, wore the uniform of a triumphant general, often embellished with the breastplate which he had stolen from Alexander the Great's tomb at Alexandria.

Though no man of letters, Caligula took pains to study rhetoric, and showed remarkable eloquence and quickness of mind, especially when prosecuting. Anger incited him to a flood of words; he moved about excitedly while speaking, and his voice carried a great distance.  At the start of every speech he would warn the audience that he proposed to 'draw the sword which he had forged in his midnight study;' yet so despised all rhetorical style that he discounted Seneca, then at the height of his fame, as a 'mere text-book orator', or 'sand without lime'. He often published confutations of speakers who had successfully pleaded a cause; or composed speeches for both the prosecution and the defence of important men who were on trial by the Senate —the verdict depending entirely on the caprice of his pen— and would invite the Knights by proclamation to attend and listen.

Caligula practised many other arts, most enthusiastically, too. He made appearances as a Thracian gladiator, as a singer, as a dancer, fought with real weapons, and drove chariots in many regional circuses. Indeed, he was so proud of his voice and deportment that he could not resist the temptation of supporting the tragic actors and public performances; and would repeat their gestures by way of praise or criticism. On the very day of his death he seems to have ordered an all-night estival in honour of some god or other, intending to take advantage of the free-and-easy atmosphere for making his stage debut. He often danced at night, and once, at the close of the second watch, summoned three senators of consular rank to the Palace; arriving half-dead with fear, they were conducted to a stage upon which, amid a tremendous racket of flutes and heel-taps, Caligula suddenly burst, dressed in cloak and ankle-length tunic, performed a song and dance, and disappeared as suddenly as he had entered. Yes, with all these gifts, he could not swim a stroke!

On those whom he loved he bestowed an almost insane passion. He would shower kisses on Mnester, the comedian, even in the theatre; and if anyone made the slightest noise during a performance, Caligula had the offender dragged from his seat and beat him with his own hands. To a knight who created some disturbance while Mnester was on the stage, Caligula sent instructions by a centurion to sail from Ostia and convey a sealed message to King Ptolemy in Mauretania. The message read: 'Do nothing at all, either good or bad, to the bearer'. 

He chose Thracian gladiators to officer his German bodyguard. Disliking the men-at-arms, he reduced their defensive armour; and when a gladiator of this sort, called Columbus, won a fight but was lightly wounded, Caligula treated him with a virulent poison which he afterwords called 'Columbinum' —at any rate that was how he described it in his catalogue of poisons. Caligula supported the Leek-green faction with such ardour that he would often dine and spend the night in their stables and, on one occasion, gave the driver Dutychus presents worth 20,000 gold pieces. To prevent Incitatus, his favourite horse, from growing restive he always picketed the neighbourhood with troops on the day before the races, ordering them to enforce absolute silence. Incitatus owned a marble stable, an ivory stall, purple blankets, and a jewelled collar; also a house, furniture, and slaves —to provide suitable entertainment for guests whom Caligula invited in its name. it is said that he even planned to award Incitatus a consulship.

Such frantic and reckless behaviour roused murderous thoughts in certain minds. One or two plots for his assassination were discovered; others were still maturing, when two Guards colonels put their heads together and succeeded in killing him, thanks to the cooperation of his most powerful freedmen and some other Guards officers. Both these colonels had been accused of being implicated in a previous plot and, although innocent, realized that Caligula hated and feared them. Once, in fact, he had subjected them to public shame and suspicion, taking them aside and announcing as he waved a sword, that he would gladly kill himself if they thought him deserving of death. After this he accused them again and again, each to the other, and tried to make bad blood between them. At last they decided to kill him about noon at the conclusion of the Palatine Games, the principal part in this drama of blood being claimed by Cassius Chaerea. Caligula had persistently teased Cassius, who was no longer young, for his supposed effeminacy. Whenever he demanded the watchword, Caligula used to give him 'Priapus' or 'Venus'; and if he came to acknowledge a favour, always stuck out his middle finger for him to kiss, and waggled it obscenely. 

Many omens of Caligula's approaching death were reported. While the statue of Olympian Jupiter was being dismantled before removal to Rome, at his command, it burst into such a roar of laughter that the scaffolding collapsed and the workmen took to their heels; and a man named Cassius  appeared immediately afterwards saying that Jupiter had ordered him, in a dream, to sacrifice a bull. The Capitol at Capua was struck by lightning on the Ides of March, which some interpreted as portending another Imperial death; because Julius Caesar had been murdered on that day. At Rome, the Palace gatekeeper's lodge was likewise struck; and this seemed to mean that the owner of the Palace stood in danger of attack by his own guards. On asking Sulla the mathematician for his horoscope, Caligula learned that he must expect to die very soon. The Oracle of Fortune at Antium likewise warned him: 'Beware of Cassius!' whereupon, forgetting Chaerea's first name, he ordered the murder of Cassius Longinus, Governor of Asia. On the night before his assassination he dreamed that he was standing beside Jupiter's heavenly throne, when the God kicked him with the great toe of his right foot and sent him tumbling down to earth. Some other events that occurred on the morning of his death were read as portents. For instance, blood splashed Caligula as he was sacrificing a flamingo; Mnester danced the same tragedy of Cinyras that had been performed by the actor Neoptolemus during the Games at which King Philip of Macedonia was assassinated; and a pantomomime called Laureolus, at the close of which the leading character, a highwayman, had to die while escaping, and vomit blood, was immediately followed by a humourous epilogue —the comedians were so anxious to display their proficiency at dying that they flooded the stage with blood. An evening performance by Egyptians and Ethiopians was also in rehearsal: a play staged in the Underworld.

On 24 January then, just past midday, Caligula, seated in the Theatre, could not make up his mind whether to rise for luncheon; he still felt a little queasy after too heavy a banquet on the previous night. However, his friends persuaded him to come out with them, along a covered walk; and there he found some boys of noble family whom he had summoned from Asia, rehearsing the Trojan war-dance. He stopped to watch and encourage them, and would have taken them back to the Theatre and held the performance at once, had their principal not complained of a cold. Two different versions of what followed are current. Some say that Chaerea came up behind Caligula as he stood talking to the boys and, with a cry of 'Take this!' gave him a deep sword-wound in the neck, whereupon Gaius Sabinus, the other colonel, stabbed him in the breast. The other version makes Sabinus tell certain centurions implicated in the plot to clear away the crowd and then ask Caligula for the day's watchword. He is said to have replied: 'Jupiter', whereupon Chaerea, from his rear, yelled: 'So be it!' —for Jupiter deals sudden death— and split his jawbone as he turned his head. Caligula lay twitching on the ground. 'I am still alive!' he shouted; but word went round: 'Strike again!' and he succumbed to further wounds, including swordthrusts through the genitals. Caesonia was murdered by a centurion at the same time, and little Julia Drusilla's brains were dashed out against a wall. Caligula's bearers rushed to help him, using their litter-poles as spears; and soon his German bodyguard appeared, too late to be of any service, though they killed several of the assassins and a few innocent senators into the bargain.

He died at the age of twenty-nine after ruling for three years, ten months and eight days. His body was moved secretly to tha Lamian Gardens, half-cremated on a hastily-built pyere, and then buried  beneath a shallow covering of sods. Later, when his sisters returned from exile they exhumed, cremated, and entombed it. But all the City knew that the Gardens had been haunted until then by his ghost, and that something horrible appeared every night at the scene of the murder until at last the building burned down.

The terror inspired by Caligula's reign could be judged by the sequel: everyone was extremely reluctant to believe that he had really been assassinated, and suspected that the story was invented by himself to discover what people thought of him.

 

 



viernes, 25 de septiembre de 2020

Turkish Serials & History

 

Erol Isik, Nuran. "Evaluating Narrativization Practices in Turkish TV Serials as a Venue of Popular Historiography." Türkiye İletişim Araştırmaları Dergisi 34 (2019): 183-95. (Resurrection, You Are My Homeland, Yunus Emre).

         DOI 10.17829/turcom.518871

         Online at Academia.*

         https://www.academia.edu/42688954/

         2020


sábado, 8 de agosto de 2020

Ambassade à l'Italie fasciste


D'après Serrano Suñer, Entre les Pyrenées et Gibraltar (1947), ch. 7. 'Le Voyage de la paix':

 
En vue du golfe de Naples, nous vîmes s'avancer vers nous la seconde escadre, qui devait nous faire escorte jusqu'au port. Sur le mole, vêtu de blanc et chargé de décorations, nous attendait le comte Ciano et, à ses côtés, Ettore Muti, habillé en général de la Légion espagnole. Derrière eux, une énorme suite, toujours étincelante d'uniformes militaires, de diplomates et de fascistes. Le régime s'était spécialisé, à un point insoupçonnable, dans ce genre de mise en scène. Devant tant de virtuosité, la pauvreté de notre appareil apparaissait comme dérisoire. 

Ciano monta à bord et vint au-devant de moi. Nous nous saluâmes, moi avec l'émotion propre à mon tempérament—et je dois dire que tout ce que signifiait cette rencontre en aurait remué de plus froids que moi—lui avec cette cordialité désinvolte qui était la marque dominante de sa façon d'être. Je lui parlai de notre amitié et de notre reconnaissance, sur le ton pénétré d'un Espagnol qui vivait, luttait et souffrait passionnément au milieu des bassesses et de l'incompréhension de ces heures difficiles, où commençait à luire enfin une grande espérance. Au nom de mon pays, je le remerciai pour l'aide généreuse et désintéressée sous laquelle elle s'était produite. Je rappelai que non seulement aucune ombre, si légère qu'elle fût, n'y avait effleuré notre souveraineté nationale—ce que nous n'eussions d'ailleurs jamais admis—mais encore qu'on ne nous avait menacés d'aucune prétention d'ordre économique, mais traités, au contraire, avec une parfaite largeur de vues pour toutes les transactions commerciales inhérentes à la guerre.


Sa réponse fut, naturellement, un peu plus conventioonnelle. Dès les premierse mots, il aborda un sujet des plus précis et qui l'obsédait: il nous fallait sur-le-champ, et toute affaire cessante, retirer notre ambassadeur. Il formulait cette demande en termes dont la dureté passait les bornes de la discrétion et celles, peut-être, de sa compétence, et que je ne juge pas necessaire de transcrire ici. Il pensait, du reste, rappeler de son côté le compte Viola.

Le soir même, et sans nous laisser une heure de repos, il organisa en mon honneur un dîner, à Santa-Lucia, avec les autorités napolitaines, les fonctionnaires qu'il avait amenés avec lui et les personnes qui m'accompagnaient. La nature de cet homme ne lui permettait pas de rester en place un seul instant, et il fallait que, chaque jour, officiellement ou deans le privé, il se répandît en déjeuners, en dîners ou en fêtes de tout ordre, comme quelqu'un dont c'eût été la principale fonction ou l'essentiel de la vie. Cette agitation, qui trahissait une certaine légèreté, me frappa pour la première fois à cette occasion.

A l'inverse, la ferveur qui m'animait me plongeait dans un état de concentration sur moi-même presque obsessif… Ma passion pour les choses d'Espagne, mon angoisse pour les heures indécises que vivait le monde, ma 'cause' en un mot, était l'unique sujet auquel je fusse capable de m'intéresser et dont il fût en mon pouvoir de l'entretenir. De mon point de vue particulier, j'étais stupéfait de rencontrer un ministre dont l'attention m'apparût comme aussi dispersée et aussi sautillante que la sienne. Il prêtait l'oreille de façon fort intermittente aux problèmes auxquels j'essayais de l'amener, et il s'en échappait soudain pour courir aux choses qui étaient le plus éloignées, sans le moindre esprit de suite ou d'à-propos. Tout cela, joit à ses brusques mouvements de tête, à ses salutaations, à ses sourires, à certaine façon de ne point perdre de vue les gens qui dînaient à d'autres tables, à cette curiosité—ou, pour mieux dire, à cette inattention—si multiple et si superficielle, me déconcerta profondément. Je me repliai dans cette attitude silencieuse dont il fut assez fin pour s'apercevoir aussitôt. De toute manière, notre entrée en contact fut malheureuse, et il est curieux de savoir que, deux jours après, un journal français rendait exactement compte de l'impression de malaise que j'avais éprouvée dans mon entrevue avec le comte Ciano. Étant donné la prudence presque excessive dont j'entourais ma première incursion hors du territoire de mon pays, et la réserve où j'avais tenu à m'enfermer, il n'est pas douteux que le journaliste qui avait su recueillir une pareille impression devait être d'une étonnante sagacité.

Quoi qu'il en fût, dès le lendemain, j'abandonnai ma prévention. J'avais compris que des rapports politiques d'un objet aussi capital ne pouvaient se subordonner à des motifs d'humeur ou de sensibilite personnelle, et je changeai radicalement d'attitude. José Antonio Giménez Arnau, écrivain phalangiste qui avait été, sous mes ordres, directeur général de la Presse, et qui à l'époque remplissait, à notre ambassade à Rome les fonctions d'attaché, s'était rendu compte de la situation. En connaisseur avisé des détails de la politique romaine, il me représenta avec insistence que la place qu'y occupait Ciano devait être tenue pour plus que prééminente. De son côté, celui-ci accentua ses bonnes manières, et allait se montrer chaque jour plus attentif et plus empressé. Peut-être s'était-il fait, à part lui, des réflexions qui concordaient avec les miennes. Quelques jours après, comme je lui montrais des feuillets que je venais de rédiger, et où j'évoquais le sacrifice des légionnaires italiens, il en fut ému et, je crois, sincèrement. La glace avait été rompue entre nous, et, dès avant mon retour en Espagne, pour des raisons, où, dans son cas comme dans le mien, la politique jouait assurément son rôle, une amitié s'était nouée de lui à moi. Si elle n'alla jamais jusqu'à un attachement profond, elle se maintint constamment sur un plan d'affection et de confiance, jusqu'à certain jour don’t j'aurai à dire un mot plus loin.

Ciano me parla, à ce moment-là, de son voyage en Espagne. Il brûlait du désir de le faire, et d'étrenner ainsi l'hommage dû par les Espagnols à son pays et à lui-même. Il estimait, sans doute, que le ministre le plus représentatif de la nation la plus hispanophile possédait une créance sur la gratitude de mes compatriotes, et qui'il était en droit d'attendre d'eux un accueil délirant. Même sous les régimes qui contrôlent l'enthousiasme populaire, les hommes demeurent sensibles aux démonstrations et à l'applaudissement des foules. Ils finissent par croire à leur spontanéité, quand ils n'en présument point dès le début.

Ma réponse, évasive et presque dilatoire, le surprit et, naturellement, lui déplut. Sans doute pensa-t-il, au premier abord, que c'était une marque d'ingratitude. Rien n'était moins vrai. Mon comportement ne m'était dicté que par la crainte qu'il ne nous fût pas possible de répondre avec une suffisante réciprocité, ou pour le moins assez dignement, à tout ce que l'Italie avait organisé en notre honneur. Ce déploiement naval, ces défilés, ces uniformes, ces fêtes, ces réceptions brillantes, le 'grand jeu', dont savait user leur propagande, tout cela m'intimidait au plus haut point, lorsque je reportais ma pensée sur notre régime adolescent et presque infome, sur l'indigence de nos moyens au lendemain d'une guerre civile encore chaude. J'imaginais que nous nous trouverions amoindris dans l'estime de gens aussi sensibles que l'étaient nos amis à l'éclat des manifestations extérieures… Bientôt je devais modifier mon sentiment. Le spectacle de notre arrivée à Barcelone, au retour même de ce voyage, me détermina à donner suite à l'invitation que souhaitait Ciano, et qu'il n'était que juste, en somme, de lui faire.

( p. 86-89).

—oOo—

El Sueño de una Noche de Verano, en vasco